Property Owners Lose at US Supreme Court in Development Case

The state appeals court ruled against the Murr family and the family filed an appeal with the Supreme Court, which was accepted in January 2016.

"It is our hope that property owners across the country will learn from our experience and not take their property rights for granted", Murr said. The efficiency gap formula compares the statewide average share of the vote a party receives in each district with the statewide percentage of seats it wins, taking into account a common political expectation: For each 1 percentage point gain in its statewide vote share, a party normally increases its seat share by 2 percentage points. Democrats condemned the ruling as nakedly partisan; many critics saw Bush v. Gore as an indelible blot on the court's legitimacy.

As its current term nears its end, eight Supreme Court Justices will try to define an important test first posed by Justice William Brennan almost 40 years ago about property rights. The case could reshape American politics and directly impact Texas.

"This is an unfortunate decision for the Murrs, and all property owners", said John Groen, Pacific Legal Foundation's General Counsel. In fact, the signs that we're not likely to see any retirements this coming week are far stronger than the rumors indicating otherwise. The state has until the end of the month to argue against the plaintiffs' motion for an injunction that would force the state to begin the process of redrawing the maps for the 2018 midterm election. It would make reasonable sense for the five districts to be split proportionately, producing three Democrats and two Republicans in office. These districts were challenged in federal court on the grounds that the Republicans gerrymandered the district map to such an extent that voters' right to free and fair elections was violated. But in that election, Democrats won more than 87 percent - or seven of eight - of Maryland's congressional seats.

After every US census, district lines are redrawn to reflect changes in population. That's because Republicans used their electoral victories in 2010 to promptly - and secretly - draw legislative district maps that ensured Republican control of the state legislature for a decade, no matter how the people voted.

For example, Pennsylvania, Ohio and MI are closely divided states in terms of party affiliation and all voted for former President Barack Obama.

Democratic Sen. Matt Jones was a House representative appointed to the 2011 legislative reapportionment committee. Being a lifetime appointment, most legal scholars say that the justiceships, in many ways, are more important than even the presidency. While Republicans have largely benefited from partisan gerrymandering nationwide, Democrats have played the same games. That would just be where people live and how they've arranged themselves on their own, so the district representation would follow naturally.

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Racial gerrymandering, where found, has always been illegal (as has happened in Texas).

To date, the Supreme Court has never ruled against a set of legislative districts on grounds that partisan gerrymandering discriminates against supporters of the party that does not hold a majority in the legislature.

Voting rights advocates are hopeful this time will be different.

The question is: How far is "too far"?

Paul Smith, a Washington lawyer for the Campaign Legal Center who represents a dozen Democratic voters in Wisconsin, said partisan gerrymandering "is worse now that any time in recent memory".

A ruling against Wisconsin would make it more hard for Republican legislatures to engage in some of the more egregious forms of "packing" and other gerrymandering that have made it more hard for Democratic House candidates to win districts in politically competitive states.

The petition was made over a decision by the appeals court to uphold a verdict barring the United States government from forcing Microsoft to hand over emails stored at its Dublin data centre. "The court's prescribed test includes three factors: "[1] the treatment of the land under state and local law; [2] the physical characteristics of the land; and [3] the prospective value of the regulated land". Justice Neil Gorsuch did not participate. They argued their party's advantage reflects the "reality of political geography". As the dissenting judge, William C. Griesbach, noted, some of Wisconsin's high E.G. results from demographics, namely the concentration of Democrats in cities such as Milwaukee and Madison.

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