China is creating the border problem: Meghnad Desai

Sikkim Standoff

Indian Army is now more than prepared at the Doklam. This is primarily because the nature of the relationship will determine the future of Asian security and the architecture of the Indo-Pacific region. It is fighting to get itself rid of the Russian Federation connection with the presidential election of 2016 and also struggling to put the administration in peace since it is witnessing utter chaos of late. However, India never replied to China until the standoff broke out. By the beginning of the 1970s, China did soften its approach to Bhutan and many of its claims on Bhutanese territory stopped appearing on Chinese maps.

China, thinks that its economic power, growing political power and military power, is giving it enough clout to be able to turn these disputes and differences with countries in its own favor, she said.

"The series of remarks from the Chinese side within a 24-hour period sends a signal to India that there is no way China will tolerate the Indian troops' incursion into Chinese territory for too long".

Indian and Chinese troops continue to be locked in a standoff in Doklam and both sides have moved additional troops, ammunition and military equipment to the area. The Royal Army of Bhutan had also raised its concern and protested the road construction.

The visit included a rare demonstration of combat skills of the PLA troops before the Indian media. The daily cited a convention signed between Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet and said that according to that convention, Doklam was indisputably Chinese territory. Nestled on the southern slopes of the eastern Himalayan Mountains between Tibet and India, the Bhuddist constitutional monarchy has lived in relative peace with its neighbors for almost 300 years-but, there's been a lingering border dispute with the People's Republic of China ever since the rise of Chinese Communism 70 years ago.

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India has sidestepped a Chinese attempt to delink the Dokalam standoff from the Special Representative mechanism to find a solution to the 4,057-km-long Line of Actual Control that divides the two nations.

For India, a Chinese-controlled route to Gymochen would represent a power creep that would bring Beijing's sphere of control unacceptably close to home. Glaser says that Jinping went all the way to Delhi to meet Modi thinking that India won't challenge China as that would be against the policy of India. However, it does not really know what it will do with it. In reality, it's nothing but China's psychological warfare. Usually, no government dares to offend a powerful neighbour. Equally important is the idea that China's self-perception - its idea of what it is and what it can do in the world order - has undergone tremendous upgradation in the past decade. If ASEAN was initially built as a bulwark against communist China, it can fulfill its objective in the changed context of a hegemony seeking, national power obsessed, mercantilist China. Many in Asia are certainly anxious whether China's rise is indeed going to be peaceful.

In the same interview, Desai also foresaw that the war will break in many areas and that the United States would soon join India in this clash, elaborating further that the United States and India will need each other's support to rise against China.

"If a war occurs, China's self-propelled and rocket artilleries will seize the advantage, becoming the sword of Damocles hovering over the head of Indian troops", he added. US President Donald Trump while welcoming PM Modi in White House in June this year said, "India has a true friend in White House".

Defiant opinion pieces in Indian newspapers urge the government to stand its ground against "unilateral action by Beijing to change the status quo in the area", as the Times of India puts it. What is though disputed is the Sino-Bhutan border. At this moment, the tone of some of the nationalist Chinese media is worrisome, but the mandarins in Delhi are well aware that media is driven by market and, thus, hypes the present situation unreasonably. Beijing considers this plateau vital to fortify the dagger- ship Chumbi valley by piercing the tri-junction. This undermines the constructive tone set by the highest leadership in all of the recent meetings - both bilateral or on the sidelines of multilateral summits. As such, despite having no official relations, the "facts and position" paper does confidently call Bhutan and China as two "friendly neighbors", with their "friendship" based upon respect for each other's sovereignty and independence-something that then paves the way for "enjoying peace and tranquility".

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